✯✯✯ Is George Justified To Kill Lennie Analysis

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Is George Justified To Kill Lennie Analysis

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Rhodes and the Oath Keepers have lately become the subject of FBI investigations into January 6, but their years of focus on bringing people from the police and military communities into right-wing militancy may have a more lasting effect than whatever they did at the Capitol. Rhodes, a veteran himself, never deployed overseas but understands that any real civil conflict is defined early on when members of the security forces pick sides. Many liberals have a zero-sum mentality of their own that exacerbates the problem of American militancy and also causes them to misapprehend it. Cops are racists and fascists. I recently visited a woman in a neighborhood in rural Vermont where a politically mixed group of families have taken up arms, literally, against a man who opened a firearms training facility next door and then began hosting a local militia and threatening people who complained.

She has fought back with town board petitions, local organizing, and stare-downs with strangers as they drive past her house. She showed me the body armor and weapons she has positioned against her bedroom windows. How much of the threat is real and how much in her mind? No place at the Democratic or Republican tables where the wealth and power are passed around. I weep for them, but they are definitely leaning toward what the Bible calls bloodlust. A man in the Midwest wanted to know if there were Oath Keepers among his local police because he believed that they were harassing him. I took an oath too, in fact, I took a couple of them.

You can let the right-wing know about this. Since January 6, meanwhile, our perennial hunt for terrorists has moved closer than ever to mainstream politics. Another left-leaning officer, this one in the U. Did he see anything wrong with so many Americans reverting so often to this word and its expansive meaning? The problem is, I struggle with what is a better term. He walked me through his analysis of how it might start.

Where [else in America] does this trigger more small insurgencies and copycat-type events? His understanding of insurgencies came mainly from his time in the military, he said, and study of COIN, or counterinsurgency doctrine. I asked if 20 years of war overseas had made domestic insurgency more likely. They can be other things at home, you know, like BLM or antifa. Its prevalence among conservatives is the result of a transformation many years in the making that has involved a fundamental revision of right-wing politics.

You could even call it radicalization. I was telling her that I wanted to start covering militancy at home and that I worried about reactionary politics reaching into my own circles. She meant that Sunni Islam — which counts her as both a member and a political refugee — is the dominant branch of the religion, but many of its adherents, like many white conservatives in America, act like a threatened minority and seem forever prone to radicalization because of it. The overwhelming majority of Sunnis are normal people, obviously, but it was always eerie, overseas, to see the way the scale could slide from the right of center to the extreme and how the extreme could win broader sympathy if it grounded its attacks and rhetoric in the politics of Sunni grievance.

Those from less radical segments of society were often inclined to dismiss the threat from extremists because of their familiarity: We know them and can manage them; their hearts are in the right places; they have only gone astray. A fuller, more honest accounting of our unraveling would turn the flashlight in the other direction and see where else this tunnel leads. I also have the sort of background that dominates our political, cultural, and media establishments, with the trappings of elite institutions and international, multicultural experiences that signify the new kind of success and entitlement that are meant to be overtaking the old.

From my perch in a blue neighborhood of a major city, I could see how liberals can exacerbate the national conflict with their own narrow views and echo chamber politics. They can engage in their own versions of tribalism and dehumanizing speech that, through the funhouse mirrors of social media and hyperpartisanship, transform them into the very villains the right sees coming for them. I was talking with a militant-minded U. I was surprised by how vehemently he agreed with me — only he saw it coming the other way. Then you see it in St. The rioters removed Blakelock's protective helmet, which was never found. The pathologist, David Bowen, found 54 holes in Blakelock's overalls, and 40 stabbing or slashing injuries, eight of them to his head, caused by a weapon such as a machete, axe or sword.

A six-inch-long knife was buried in his neck up to the hilt. His body was covered in marks from having been kicked or stamped on. His hands and arms were badly cut, and he had lost several fingers trying to defend himself. There were 14 stab wounds on his back, one on the back of his right thigh, and six on his face. Stabbing injuries to his armpits had penetrated his lungs.

His head had been turned to one side and his jawbone smashed by a blow that left a six-inch gash across the right side of his head. Bowen said the force of this blow had been "almost as if to sever his head", which gave rise to the view that an attempt had been made to decapitate him. A second group surrounded PC Coombes, who sustained a five-inch-long cut to his face, had his neck slit open, and was left with broken upper and lower jaws. As of [update] he was still suffering the effects of the attack, which the police regard as attempted murder, including constant pain, poor hearing and eyesight, epileptic fits, nightmares, and a memory so poor that he was left unable to read a book or drive.

Sergeant Pengelly, in charge of the serial, turned and ran at the mob, driving them off. Couch, Mr Stratford, and other officers ran back too and managed to pull PC Blakelock away, but by then he had sustained multiple stab wounds and within minutes the year-old father of three was near death. Blakelock was taken by ambulance to the North Middlesex Hospital but died on the way. Pengelly said in that, when the other officers got back to the safety of their van, "We just sat there, numb with shock, and life was never the same again for any of us. Rose writes that there was a racist media frenzy after the killing, placing intense external pressure on detectives to solve the case.

He told reporters that "the police got a bloody good hiding", [67] [68] and "Maybe it was a policeman who stabbed another policeman. The Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Kenneth Newman , told reporters that groups of Trotskyists and anarchists had orchestrated the violence, a theme picked up by the Daily Telegraph and others. Falling for a story from media hoaxer Rocky Ryan , the Daily Express reported on 8 October that a "Moscow-trained hit squad gave orders as mob hacked PC Blakelock to death", alleging that "crazed left-wing extremists" trained in Moscow and Libya had coordinated the riots. There was also internal pressure on detectives from the rank and file, who saw their superior officers as sharing the blame for Blakelock's death.

As a result, the journal wrote, officers had failed to appreciate the seriousness of the situation that had developed on the estate. Detective Chief Superintendent Graham Melvin of the Serious Crime Squad was placed in charge of the investigation a few hours after the killing, at am on 7 October. He had studied at Bramshill Police College , served with the Flying Squad , and was known for having solved several notorious cases, including that of Kenneth Erskine , the Stockwell Strangler.

Melvin's first problem was that there was no forensic evidence. Senior officers had not allowed the estate to be sealed off immediately after the attack, which meant that the crime scene had not been secured. Witnesses and those directly involved had been allowed to leave without giving their names, and objects that might have held fingerprints had not been collected. Police had not been allowed into the estate in great numbers until 4 am on 7 October, by which time much of the evidence had disappeared. Whatever remained was removed during Haringey Council 's clean-up operation. Melvin therefore resorted to arresting suspects—including juveniles, some of them regarded as vulnerable—and holding them for days without access to lawyers.

Many of the confessions that resulted, whether directly about the murder, or about having taken part in the rioting, were made before the lawyer was given access to the interviewee, according to Rose. When people did confess to even a minor role in the rioting, such as throwing a few stones, they were charged with affray. One resident told the Gifford Inquiry into the rioting: "You would go to bed and you would just lie there and you would think, are they going to come and kick my door, what's going to happen to my children?

It was that horrible fear that you lived with day by day, knowing they could come and kick down your door and hold you for hours. Thus, argues Rose, the police created, or at least intensified, a climate of fear in which witnesses were afraid to step forward. Melvin defended his decision to hold people without access to legal advice by arguing that lawyers, unwittingly or otherwise, might pass information they had gleaned during interviews to other suspects.

He said under cross-examination during the murder trial that, in his view, "the integrity of some firms of solicitors left a lot to be desired"; he believed solicitors were being retained by people who had an interest in learning what other suspects had said. Mark Pennant, aged 15, was arrested on 9 October and charged with murder two days later, the first to be charged. Born in England to West-Indian parents, Pennant had been raised in the West Indies until he was nine, after which he returned to the UK; he was diagnosed with learning difficulties and was attending a special school. Arrested and handcuffed at school, he was taken to Wood Green Police Station and interviewed six times over the course of two days, with a teacher in attendance.

His mother was not told that he had been taken into custody, and the police reportedly told him that she had refused to help him. He told the police that he had cut Blakelock and kicked him twice, and he named Winston Silcott as the ringleader, and several others, including another juvenile, Mark Lambie. Jason Hill, a year-old white boy who lived on Broadwater Farm, was seen looting from a store in the Tangmere block during the riot, near where Blakelock was killed. He was arrested on 13 October and taken to Leyton Police Station, where he was held for three days without access to a lawyer. He reported being kept in a very hot cell, which he said made sleeping and even breathing difficult.

His clothes and shoes were removed for forensic tests and he was interviewed wearing only underpants and a blanket, the latter of which by the third day of detention was stained with his own vomit. Hyacinth Moody of the Haringey Community Relations Council sat in as an "appropriate adult"; she was criticized by the judge for having failed to intervene. Over the course of several interviews, Hill told police that he had witnessed the attack and named Silcott and others, including Mark Lambie. According to David Rose, Hill described inflicting injuries to Blakelock's chest and leg that did not match the autopsy report.

Hill said he had replied, "Nothing", and that Silcott had said, "Well, you can go. Mark Lambie, aged 14, was the third juvenile to be charged with murder. He was named by Mark Pennant and Jason Hill, and was interviewed with his father and a solicitor present. One witness said during the trial that he had seen Lambie force his way through the crowd to reach Blakelock, although the testimony was discredited; the witness was caught in several lies and admitted he had offered evidence only to avoid a prison sentence. According to David Rose, a former detective inspector called the Blakelock investigation a "pre-scientific inquiry, it was all about how to get Winston Silcott convicted, not discovering who killed Keith Blakelock. Silcott was 26 years old when he was arrested, the oldest of the six charged with murder.

He was born in Tottenham in ; his parents, both Seventh-day Adventists , had arrived in England from Montserrat two years earlier. After leaving school at 15, he took a series of low-paying jobs and in began breaking into houses. The following year he was convicted of nine counts of burglary and sent to borstal for a few months, and in he was sentenced to six months for wounding. In Silcott was given a government grant to open a greengrocer's on the deck of the Tangmere block of Broadwater Farm. More convictions followed: in October that year he was fined for possessing a flick knife and in March for obstructing police.

In he made the news when he told Diana, Princess of Wales , who was on an official visit to Broadwater Farm, that she should not have come without bringing jobs, which The Sun interpreted as a threat. In December Silcott was arrested for the murder of a year-old boxer, Anthony Smith, at a party in Hackney. Smith had been slashed more than once on his face, there were two wounds to his abdomen, a lung had been lacerated and his aorta cut.

Silcott was charged with the murder in May and was out on bail when Blakelock was killed in October that year. At first he told police he had not known Smith and had not been at the party, although at trial he acknowledged having been there. He said Smith had started punching him, and that he had pushed Smith back but had not been carrying a knife. Silcott was convicted of Smith's murder in February , while awaiting trial for the Blakelock murder, and was sentenced to life imprisonment; he was released in after serving 17 years. Known as "Sticks" locally, Silcott was living in the Martlesham block of Broadwater Farm at the time of the riots, [98] and was running his greengrocer's shop in the Tangmere block, the block near the spot where Blakelock was killed.

A friend of his, Pam, had then invited him to her apartment to keep him out of trouble. I know I'm stupid, but I'm not that stupid. There's helicopters, police photographers everywhere. All I could think about was that I didn't want to lose my bail. Silcott was arrested for Blakelock's murder on 12 October , six days after the riot; he was interviewed five times over 24 hours; Det Ch Supt Melvin asked the questions and Det Insp Maxwell Dingle took the notes. During the first four interviews, Silcott stayed mostly silent and refused to sign the detectives' notes, but during the fifth interview on 13 October, when Melvin said he knew Silcott had struck Blakelock with a machete or sword, his demeanour changed, according to the notes.

The notes show him asking: "Who told you that? No one is going to believe them. Those kids will never go to court. You wait and see. No one else will talk to you. You can't keep me away from them. According to a scientist who conducted forensic tests on the original interview notes, the detectives' notes from the portion of the interview in which Silcott appeared to incriminate himself had been inserted after the other interview notes were written.

Nineteen-year-old Engin Raghip, of Turkish—Cypriot descent, was arrested on 24 October after a friend mentioned his name to police, the only time anyone had linked him to the murder. Raghip's parents had moved from Cyprus to England in Raghip left school at age 15, illiterate, and by the time of the murder had three convictions, one for burglary and two for stealing cars. He had a common-law wife, Sharon Daly, with whom he had a two-year-old boy, and he worked occasionally as a mechanic.

He had little connection with Broadwater Farm, although he lived in nearby Wood Green and had gone to the Farm with two friends to watch the riot, he said. One of those friends, John Broomfield, gave an interview to the Daily Mirror on 23 October , boasting about his involvement. When Broomfield was arrested, he implicated Raghip. Broomfield was later convicted of an unrelated murder. At the time of Raghip's arrest, he had been drinking and smoking cannabis for several days, and his common-law wife had just left him, taking their son with her. He was held for two days without representation, first speaking to a solicitor on the third day, who said he had found Raghip distressed and disoriented. He made several incriminating statements, first that he had thrown stones, then during the second interview that he had seen the attack on Blakelock.

During the third, he said he had spoken to Silcott about the murder, and that Silcott owned a hammer with a hook on one side. After the fifth interview he was charged with affray, and during the sixth he described the attack on Blakelock: "It was like you see in a film, a helpless man with dogs on him. It was just like that, it was really quick. During a seventh interview the next day, Raghip described noises he said Blakelock had made during the attack. During the eighth interview, he said he had armed himself that night with a broom handle, and had tried to get close to what was happening to Blakelock, but there were too many people around him: "I had a weapon when I was running toward the policeman, a broom handle.

Rose writes that Raghip also offered the order in which Blakelock's attackers had launched the assault. He was held for another two days, released on bail, then charged with murder six weeks later, in December , under the doctrine of common purpose. Aged 18 when Blakelock was killed, Mark Braithwaite was a rapper and disc jockey living with his parents in Islington , London, N1. He had a girlfriend who lived on Broadwater Farm, with whom he had a child. On 16 January , three months after the murder, his name was mentioned for the first time to detectives by a man they had arrested, Bernard Kinghorn.

Kinghorn told them he had seen Braithwaite, whom he said he knew only by sight, stab Blakelock with a kitchen knife. Kinghorn later withdrew the allegation, telling the BBC three years later that it had been false. He was held for three days and was at first denied access to a lawyer, on the instruction of Det Ch Supt Melvin. He was interviewed eight times over the first two days, and with a lawyer present four times on the third. He at first denied being anywhere near the Farm, then during interview four said he had been there and had thrown stones, and during interview five said he had been at the Tangmere block, but had played no role in the murder.

During interview six, he said he had hit Blakelock with an iron bar in the chest and leg. Rose writes that there were no such injuries on Blakelock's body. In a seventh interview, he said he had hit a police officer, but that it was not Blakelock. On the basis of this confession evidence, he was charged with murder. Of the men and youths arrested, were charged, including with affray and throwing petrol bombs, and 88 were convicted. According to The Times , the accused were "divided almost equally between black and white". Five defendants were 29 or older; most were teenagers or in their early 20s.

The youngest was aged The jury consisted of eight white men, two black women and two white women. It meant that the jury could not be told that he had signed on for his bail at Tottenham police station at around 7 pm on the evening of Blakelock's death. This was when witnesses had placed Silcott at a Broadwater Youth Association meeting, making inflammatory speeches against the police. Roy Amlot QC told the court that Blakelock had been stabbed 40 times by at least two knives and a machete.

There were eight injuries to his head, and one of the weapons had penetrated his jawbone. In the view of the prosecution, the killers had intended to decapitate him and place his head on a pole. No action was taken against the newspaper. The judge dismissed the charges against the youths because they had been detained without access to parents or a lawyer; in the absence of the jury, the judge was highly critical of the police on that point. Rose writes that the tabloids knew no restraint, writing about the beasts of Broadwater Farm, hooded animals and packs of savages, with the old jail-cell image of Silcott published above captions such as "smile of evil".

They published an page report in by Margaret Burnham and Lennox Hinds, two American law professors who had attended part of the trial, and who wrote that Silcott's conviction "represents a serious miscarriage of justice". In May the London School of Economics students' union elected Silcott as the college's honorary president, to the dismay of its director and governors. Silcott resigned shortly afterwards, saying he did not want the students to become scapegoats. Peirce applied for leave to appeal. She began to explore Raghip's mental state, arguing that his confession could not be relied upon, and arranged for him to be examined by Dr.

Mills noted the lack of photographic or scientific evidence, and argued that Silcott would have been unlikely to stop firefighters from extinguishing a fire on the deck of the Tangmere block, given that he was renting a shop there.

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